Egypt: How Not to Support the Undeserving and Discriminate Against the Poor

[Logo of Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. Image from eipr.org] [Logo of Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. Image from eipr.org]

Egypt: How Not to Support the Undeserving and Discriminate Against the Poor

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was authored by Yahiya Shawkat and published by the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights on 10 April 2014]

 

EIPR Policy Recommendations on New Income Conditions for the Social Housing Project

 

Introduction

On 16 January 2014, the Egyptian cabinet issued new conditions for obtaining subsidised housing units within the Social Housing Programme (SHP) – also known as ―al-Million Wehda” or ―The Million Units. Some of these conditions, such as those relating to age and geographic location of applicants, are as before, though the conditions on income levels are periodically adjusted to reflect inflation. However the cabinet‘s reworked definition for low income earners is unjust, as it could deprive 40% of the lowest earning Egyptians from benefiting from 8.7 billion EGP (1.2 billion USD) in subsidies and public investments, which are being spent on mostly ownership units that will be allocated through the affordable mortgage programme. This programme also bars nearly two-thirds of the Egyptian workforce who are employed informally from benefiting from these housing units because they lack official work contracts.

The ownership units, which comprise the larger proportion of the SHP, and that will be allocated using the Affordable Mortgage Programme (AMP), will not be available to the bottom 50% of Egyptian earners. The new upper limit on household income of 40,000 EGP (5700 USD) annually, falls within the highest income quintile according to the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics‘ (CAPMAS) Household Income, Expenditure and Consumption Survey (HIECS) for 2012-2013 (See Table 1).

Table 1

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In addition to this upper limit on income, the mortgage law also stipulates a minimum eligible income as the mortgage to income ratio is 25%. Thus according to the unit prices which will range from 110,000 EGP (15,700 USD) to 130,000 EGP (18,600 USD), the minimum annual household income of applicants shouldn‘t be less than 23,000 EGP (3300 USD). According to the 2012-2013 HIECS this means families that fall within the upper half of the middle quintile (See Table 1).

The outcome of these conditions is that approximately 1.4 billion EGP of subsidies (200 million USD), in addition to nearly 6.4 billion EGP (914 million USD) of investments, are being directed to the top 50% of Egyptian earners; the middle income, upper-middle income, and rich quintiles.

As for the rental units, 40% of the bottom earning Egyptians will be deprived of them. Families that fall in the bottom half of the middle income quintile, and the entire poor quintile, or 30% of earners, cannot qualify for a mortgage as their incomes are lower than the minimum required to apply for an ownership unit (23,000 EGP/ 3300 USD), and higher than the maximum allowed to apply for a rental unit (18,000 EGP/ 2600 USD). (See Table 1)

Table 2

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In addition to these families that fall in to this gap, a further 10% of Egyptians, the bottom half of the extremely poor quintile, can‘t afford any of the SHP units. Their income is already too low to qualify for a mortgage, but the rental value of 225 EGP (32 USD) per month is also unaffordable as it exceeds 14% of this decile‘s total monthly expenditure, which the HIECS indicates is the average expenditure on rent for this income bracket. This effectively means that only 10% of Egyptians can benefit from the rental units, the upper half of the extremely poor quintile, and thus 40% of the lesser earning Egyptians are deprived of benefiting from the entire 8.1 billion EGP (1.2 billion USD) public budget earmarked for subsidised housing due to their inability to qualify for both the mortgage or the rental schemes (See fig. 1).

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Figure 1


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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412